Chinese Intellectuals Between State and Market (Routledge Studies on China in Transition)
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This edited volume describes the intellectual world that developed in China in the last decade of the twentieth century. How, as China's economy changed from a centrally planned to a market one, and as China opened up to the outside world and was influenced by the outside world, Chinese intellectual activity became more wide-ranging, more independent, more professionalized and more commercially oriented than ever before. The future impact of this activity on Chinese civil society is discussed in the last chapter.
educational background and one’s occupational pursuits. Thus it may be time to eschew earlier education-centred definitions and embrace the more common identification of intellectuals as creators and pursuers of symbolic power. Using this conception, even the most highly educated leaders of the CDP do not clearly merit the designation of “intellectuals.” Certainly, the activities of top party members were predicated on a conscious and public redefinition of legitimate political power and
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56 U N D E R D O G S , L A P D O G S A N D WAT C H D O G S actively solicit grievances from all across the country for story ideas. This both tops up television ratings and newspaper circulations and seemingly empowers Chinese citizens, by giving them a semblance of voice in what is still ostensibly their media system. Social problems, if articulated within the confines of Partysanctioned investigative reporting, seem to be profitable both for the media and for the management of social
issues of online debates can be gleaned from the editorial homepages and list of contributors to influential web forums such as the ones cited on the first page of this article. For more on this environment see Barmé 1999, and Gloria Davies 2001, pp. 18–21. In referring to the Party-state chain of command, we do not imply by any means the existence of a totalitarian propaganda machine capable of policing the “ideological” content of all published materials with formidable efficiency and
relationship between science and state. The basic political formula for science in the People’s Republic was laid down early in the post-1949 period. Although modified and contested, as we have seen, the underlying subordination of the technical community to the wishes of the Party was never in doubt. The post-Mao Party has also held to this political formula, but in its efforts to truly make “the modernization of science and technology” the key to the modernization of industry, agriculture and