The Politics of Italy: Governance in a Normal Country (Cambridge Textbooks in Comparative Politics)
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This innovative text offers a completely fresh approach to Italian politics by placing it in its historical, institutional, social and international contexts. Students will get to grips with the theories and concepts of comparative politics and how they apply specifically to Italy, while gaining real insight into more controversial topics such as the Mafia, corruption and the striking success of Berlusconi. The textbook uses clear and simple language to critically analyze Italy's institutions, its political culture, parties and interest groups, public policy, and its place in the international system. Often regarded as an anomaly, Italy is frequently described in terms of 'crisis', 'instability' and 'alienation'. Sceptical of these conventional accounts, Newell argues that, if understood in its own terms, the Italian political system is just as effective as other established democracies. With features including text boxes and further reading suggestions, this is an unbeatable introduction to the politics of Italy.
However, the state’s birth sprang from convergence of the goals of liberals and nationalists, with the international ambitions of Piedmont Sardinia. Prior to 1859, the Figure 1.1. Giuseppe Garibaldi (see Box 1.1) 10 History Italian peninsula was divided into ten separate states, whose existence had been underwritten by the Treaty of Vienna of 1815.1 The overriding purpose of the treaty was to contain French expansionism and the revolutionary social and political ideas identified with it.
This was the attempt that came when, in 2005, the Berlusconi government obtained parliamentary approval for a far-reaching proposal touching on almost all aspects of part II of the Constitution. This differed from previous attempts in that it turned its back on the notion that reform had to have backing from across the political spectrum. It sought, instead, to follow the precedent set by the previous centre-left government when it reformed title V, of pursuing change unilaterally. Since the
752 votes out of 977. Stand-off between US and Italian armed forces at the Sigonella air base in the wake of the Achille Lauro hijacking. At the general election, the DC makes some gains (rising to 34.3 per cent of the vote), while the PCI suffers a third successive decline (to 26.6 per cent). Meanwhile, the PSI makes significant gains (rising to 14.3 per cent). Berlin Wall comes down. This leads PCI leader, Achille Ochetto, to announce, on 12 November, that his party will change its name, its
larger changes being voted upon first, in accordance with the principle of preclusion: thus, once the chamber has voted to delete an article altogether, any proposals to modify that article fall automatically. The text as amended is then voted upon in its entirety before being transmitted to the other chamber for consideration. If amended by the other chamber, the text must go back to the first chamber for the amendments (not the entire text) to be considered by it – and the text shuttles between
increase is at least partly to be explained by the new single-member constituencies established by the law (Giuliani and Capano, 2001: 19–21). 2. Giuliani and Capano’s (2001, figure 3) data show that the proportion of bills approved in committee fell from about 80 per cent in the tenth, to under 40 per cent in the three subsequent legislatures. Meanwhile, the proportion approved by ample majorities (defined as those opposed on final reading by fewer than 30 of the 630 members of the Chamber of